Rastafari Rising

                          Speech by Marcus Garvey

The order of the day is discussing the report of the delegates from Liberia bearing on the arrangements with the Liberian Government and people to colonize that country.

You heard the report yesterday from the secretary and from Lady Davis, a member of the delegation, as well as the report of the President-General and the statements of the Hon. Van Richards, chaplain to I the Senate of Liberia· Now we are going to discuss it this morning ....

The present government consists of a family arrangement. The President is brother-in-law to the Secretary of State, the Secretary of State is brother-in-law to the Attorney-General, the Attorney-General is brother-in-law to the other heads of depa~unents, and so it is a family ring.

While the common people of Liberia have been suffering for over one hundred years, nothing has done to bring the great bulk of the native people, two millions of them, the pale of Westem civilization, which we are seeking to do through the of the Universal Negro Improvement Association.

And the position is when we publish, as we published in The Negro World some time in intention of building the first American city on the Cavalla River, saw we were in earnest, because the program that we laid out building on the Cavalla River was on a modem American plan, and they well that when American Negroes and West Indian Negroes had gone Liberia it would be a question of about 25 years when we would have a first-class nation on the West Coast of Africa, proving the Negro's ability for self-government, a thing the great powers do not want.

                              THE ANGLE OF SELFISHNESS

That is the whole sum and substance of the situation from the intema- angle. Then from the angle of selfishness. After we had incurred expense, so the delegates from Liberia explained, after we had two arrangements with the Liberian officials, one in I92I welcoming the association Liberia and signing the document of welcome, the other in I923, the of Liberia himself outlining the manner, the method in which we proceed, appointing his Vice-President as Chairman of the committee was to perfect the arrangements, the Chief Justice of the country, and of Customs, a member of his own cabinet, with some of the prominent men in the country, after they had outlined the plan under k we should work, they suggested the first group should reach in October, prior to reaching there we should send out a group of expert men to homes so that when the people get there they would have homes to live We sent away from here in June the first group of experts, six engineers the direction of a licensed civil engineer of z5 years' experience, work-for one of the biggest companies in this country out West. We sent out two shipments of materials, one on the 25th of June and the last on z;ch of July. They accepted the landing of the materials, and then, after all that, without an official word to us, they decided to send through Consul-General  such a document to the American Govemment, as if there absolutely no understanding.

                              TREACHERY EXTRAORDINARY

It is the greatest bit of treachery that has happened to the race and that has happened in diplomacy, and, as I said yesterday, the other phase of it is pure graft. You know the Firestone Company of Ohio sent out a group of men after we left there, and those Negroes, King and Barclay, arranged to give to these people one million acres of land. Understand, Liberia is only the size of Ohio, the only independent little country left to the blacks, and to give away, although they the whites have eleven and a half million square miles of Africa already, another million acres, it is worse than murder. This 810 811 group of selfish Negroes gave away one million acres of land in violation of the constitution, as we will show you. The constitution of the Republic of Liberia reserves the land of the people of Liberia as a permanent home. The white people have all Europe, all the American continent. They have taken away nearly eleven and two-thirds million square miles of Africa, leaving only a speck of Liberia, and they want that. Where must the Negro live? Where must the Negro live but in the sea as a home?

Now we appeal to the conscience of white America because we believe the millions of white people in America will stand behind the principles of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and I think we should send a petition to Mr. Firestone asking him not to take advantage of the concessions that these selfish Negroes have given away constitutionally or otherwise, because it is the only hope of the Negroes of this country and of Africa to redeem themselves. And I feel that if we appeal to the conscience of Firestone he will not take advantage of the situation. It is only going to be another outrage like the outrage in Peru. Those poor natives that have not been brought into the pale of civilization and modern arrangements! Going there with a group of men with no intention but exploitation, they will exploit them and work them to death as they did in the Congo and in Peru, because their only purpose is to get the materials and the wealth of the country, and can we allow such a thing to be perpetrated on the race?

God Almighty would condemn us for allowing another outrage like the Congo and Peru. You know what King Leopold did in the Congo, and what happened in Perth and we cannot sit here and allow this outrage to go on; and besides our petition to Coolidge that is to be presented on the 3rd, and to the congress, asking for a thorough investigation of this matter, we should send a petition to the Firestone Rubber Company and ask him not to exploit that bit of Africa left us as our only protection. (Applause.)

Printed in NW, 6 September I924-.

  
Address by Marcus Garvey

IN MASTERLY REVIEW OF LAST TWO YEARS' WORK HON. MARCUS GARVEY LAYS BARE THE DETAILS OF THE STRENUOUS BATTLE WAGED BY THE UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSN. AGAINST ENEMIES . . .

I have not made a written report because of the pressure of time and also because of the many things that I would like to incorporate. So the report is going to be oral. Deputies and delegates of the Fourth International Convention of the Negro Peoples of the World and of the Universal Negro Improvement Association: It is my duty as President-General to make an annual report to you as touching the affairs of the organization as a whole under my supervision and administration. According to the constitutional designation, I am administrator of the affairs of the association. Our convention adjourned in September of 1922 to meet again, as is customary, on the first of August 1923. Unfortunately, we were unable to meet lat year because of certain developments to which I shall refer later on. Officially, therefore, I had to announce through my office and through the executive council the postponement of the holding of the convention of 1925 to the biding of the convention this year. Naturally, you have been following the wok of the organization during that period of time, and it is for me now to say that we have had a trying and a[rd]uous time, the hardest period of our association's existence was between x9zz, after the adjournment of the convention, and the present time. It was difficult because the association had taken on wide dimensions. It had practically introduced propaganda and its sentiments were scattered round the world, bringing into existence diversified agencies that were working for the suppression of this new expression on the part of the people for freedom and independence, as characterized by the ideals and aims of the organization. The weld was more appreciative during these years of the real objective and purpose, of the association, and it goes without saying that there are many and great agencies in the world that are opposed to the advancement and development of the Negro on certain lines. Those lines we husbanded most and tried to project for the good and welfare of the entire race, because organizations had sprung up here and there, and individuals and agencies of government here and there, to block and hinder the effort that was being made to carry out the aims and objects of the association.

EFFORTS TO HINDER GREW

During 1923 and the latter part of 1922, after the adjournment of the convention, the effort to suppress this organization and hinder and handicap it grew stronger than at any other period. Just about that time we had a tremendous amount of internal troubles and difficulties. The association had grown so large that it was impossible to centralize control. It was impossible to exercise the discipline that was necessary to bring the whole movement into on supple working institution. We had built up around us hundreds of branches of the association into which were individuals not in rune with the service, but who were looking for opportunities whereby they could create themselves local authorities and local forces and powers, and to use those forces and powers to their own personal benefit and direction. I mean by that that in 1922 and immediately after the convention we had succeeded in the years of work in building up an organization which had its agents and branches all over the world. Agencies and branches that were built to harness in obedience to the constitution of the association and centralize our authority, the rule, and which would mean immediate and unbounded success for the association. But immediately after the rising of the convention, the individuals who were at the head of these branches took up an attitude and authority to act contrary to the purpose and spirit of the constitution, thereby instead of giving whole-hearted support to the central body, started to build up LOCAL PRINCIPALITIES and local authorities to suit their own selfish purposes. As, for instance, one of our greatest strongholds was the City of Philadelphia. We had a tremendous division there and immediately after that convention the president, Lionel Francis, seemed to have got into his head that he should be president-general or should be at the head of the association. Instead of being loyal to the association he began to disintegrate it, and tried to localize it for himself. As is his case, so there were others. So that between 1922 and 1923 we had such internal dissensions and internal disloyalty that it was impossible for us to even carry out half of the things decided upon in the convention of 1922. Nearly 80 per cent of these divisions made absolutely no reports from the rise of the convention even up to the present moment. The local division would collect moneys for dues, assessments, annual taxes, and from other sources and would expend every nickel, and we would hear nothing of their activities until probably someone died or something happened, when they would directly try to collect death grants,   etc., from the parent body without sending in their reports.

INTERNAL TROUBLE

Such internal dissensions affected the parent body during that period of time. I am not speaking of the opposition that was outside, because we would have been better able to handle the opposition on the outside if we had the proper and efficient conduct of the organization internally. It is apparent, however, that there is absolutely no rule or law to lay down towards the Negro at the present as he is educated and now stands. There is absolutely no secular or civil rule to lay down to control him, because we have had fair examples of the disposition of the Negro to purposely disobey orders. They will not respect any law, if this law conflicts with their personal desires. And that is what we have been suffering from. It is not because we haven't a constitution. The constitution is clear and well defined in every detail, so that every officer and member and executive would know their relationship towards each other. It is just because the constitution has stood in the way of individuals doing what they wanted done. You who come from divisions know that if I had to attend to all the complaints that come to headquarters I would be unable to do anything else, and we would not have been here today had I to give all my time to the adjustment of these complaints. There was not five percent of the divisions that went without internal complaints, and of that five we did not hear about them at all, and that is why we had no complaints from them.

HOW TO DISCIPLINE THE NEGRO

So it brings us to the consideration as to how we can successfully discipline the Negro. It is a most gigantic task confronting the organization and the people. How can you discipline the Negro to get him to do what is right? This association is built upon righteousness and justice, charity and sympathy and love for our people. But it seems to me that very few of us who are officers seem to understand it that way. We have lost sympathy for the people that we are endeavoring to help in search of our immediate success, and this is one of the propositions that I want you to take out of my address and discuss at the close or during the time when we are going to adjust the affairs of the association, because it is very important that we devise ways and means to successfully conduct the affairs of our race dependent on individuals of the race to lead, as they must if we are to go anywhere. I need not cite instances, became every one of you here almost have come from divisions where such internal differences have been manifest. If I think of Chicago, we have had hundreds and hundreds of complaints. We have had fights galore. If I think of Philadelphia it is the same. If I think of Cleveland it is the same. If I go as far as I can, to Los Angeles, it is the same condition, and if we go to the West Indies  and Central America it is the same.

EATING THE SOUL

It is a canker that is eating the vitals and the heart and soul of the Negro who has no nationality. This thing is everywhere, not only in America. We have had the same thing and probably worse here. We have had men fighting each other; one group putting the other in jail and as that group gets out of jail they put the other group in jail. One group tries to get into power by saying that the other is dishonest, and as soon as they get into office they do the same thing they complained against. Now I am nearly disgusted as to how to find men. One man would come and say that that president is doing wrong, and that very man is the one who, when he gets started and gets elected to the same office, would within three months have the same complaint made about him as he had made. That is the condition that we have in the East and West, North and South, in America, the West Indies, in South and Central America. What are we to do with these Negroes? As I said before, their education is bad. The psychology under which we live is bad and we have to take that into serious consideration. I am sorry for the poor people and that is why my heart bleeds. The poor people do not know where to turn. They flocked to this organization when we organized it because they believed it was a relief from the old order of things. And, my good friends, it seems hard and almost impossible to destroy the old order of things. It is deep-seated in the heart of the old Negro. AS to the new conditions, it seems almost hopeless. I do not know what to say and what to recommend. We have to discuss it and see what to do. All the middle-aged, the old and the new men, all seem to be possessed of the same idea, and that is to get rich at the expense of the people who they believe cannot see and cannot understand and whom he leads nowhere, absolutely nowhere.

ALARMING ECONOMIC CONDITIONS

When we look at conditions as they confront us; when we review the general economic conditions, as they have existed during the last two years, we see that they are alarming. I have to report to you that our people today are in a hopeless economic and industrial state and condition in this country and abroad. In the American states, I have come into contact with hundreds and thousands of unemployed, and the unemployed list is growing among us as a race, larger and larger everyday. There is no work. The same prophecy that we gave out during the war, of a terrible economic reaction, is being fulfilled. And if you want to go to the big cities, Detroit, Cleveland, Philadelphia, and even cosmopolitan New York, you will find that hundreds and thousands of our men are out on the streets, some of them not having been employed for 6, 12 or 18 months, and day by day we are losing our foothold in the industries of the country and there is absolutely no provision being made to stem the tide except we attempt to go forward with the program of the U. N. I.A. for which we have suffered barriers and handicaps of all kinds and which we will endeavor to adjust during this sitting of the convention. The situation industrially and economically in America and in the West Indies is alarming.

In Cuba, we have cries and complaints from thousands of Negroes there who are suffering there and dying. From the other islands of the West Indies, it is the same. In Central America where a good condition existed up to a few years ago, it is the contrary now. The people are suffering here and there is absolutely no outlook except through a rigid industrial program on the part of the U. N. I. A.

ALLOWING OPPORTUNITIES TO SLIP

The pain is that day after day we are allowing the chance and opportunities to slip away which will not come again because day after day the race is becoming poorer as we grow older in this industrial and economic and commercial arrangement with the other people. In our communities the race is losing its financial hold day by day and in another few years we are going to be hopeless. And there is where the sorrowful part on the part of our leaders comes in. Our leaders have done more to dishearten our people than we could talk about. For the reason that where there is no confidence there is no support because the bulk of the people are not educated to the point of knowing and understanding the situation. The bulk of our people are not educated in the higher principles and purposes of life. They drift and flow according to arrangements and environment. They do not think for themselves. They have to be advised and when it is considered that these people have been advised to do this and that which they have been doing for the last 50 years without any result, it is time for the confidence of the people to be destroyed and broken. We now have to deal with this broken confidence on the part of the people who have become disgusted with the kind of leadership that we have had and the success of the association during the past five or six years was due to the fact that the people ran to us, rushed to us, because it would be a relief from the old order of things. Local officers and international officers have done more to set back the progress of the association than have the enemy, for the simple reason if you are whole and united together internally it is more than hard and difficult for the enemy on the outside who does not know your business and intentions to harass and handicap you. But when you are broken in spirit and absolutely divided it is easy for the enemy to fight you. I have no explanation of virtue to give or to apply on the part of any individual in the organization during that period, because there has been such reckless misuse of power and authority and misunderstanding of responsibility that as I have said before it bleeds my heart to calculate the consequences and I cannot imagine where we are going to find men and people who have charity for the people and who are prepared to do them service, because if there is any age demanding service to the Negro, it is this one. It is not only an age of service but of sacrifice.

NEED FOR SACRIFICE

We Negroes expect to get results too easily and quickly. We have to make sacrifice and render service unselfishly if we are to get anywhere. We generally desire to jump off in the desire to have everything in one day or in a few years. If we read our histories it will be found that the foundations of all great movements were laid on sacrifice and sweat and blood. I do not want to go outside of this country to get you to understand what t mean. The civilization that the People of this country enjoys today in the City of New York, was laid and built upon the foundation of blood, the blood of 400 years. When the Pilgrim Fathers came here they were not looking for big jobs, and big salaries, but they grouped themselves together by sacrifice to build and die and lay the foundations for succeeding generations of their own. That spirit we haven't got in the U.N.I.A. to any extent at this time, nor do we have it in the race, and that is why we are doomed until we can develop it. When I speak of the opposition and trials and troubles on the part of most of the leaders in the division, I will bring to your notice the provisions we made when we came before the first and second conventions, and even the last one, when we stood on this platform, dozens of us swore away our lives in the service of this organization.

When I tell you that there are only two of such people of that old group who swore away their fortune, their lives and their all to this convention in 1920, and they are Lady Davis and your humble servant, you will understand. Succeeding groups did the same swearing, and as quickly as they swore and as quickly as they were placed in a position of trust and responsibility, as quickly were they willing to allow themselves to be used for the destruction of the organization and the exploitation of the people. Now let me recount more in detail what I mean by that. There are some of us who respect our oaths; there are some people who because of their belief in God and the Creator swear in the presence of their God, and regard that oath as sacred. That is why, come weal, come woe, some of us are bound to be found at the helm of the U. N. I.A. because we respect our oaths to uphold the sacred trust of the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world. At the first convention we made a tremendous mistake. Yet it was not a mistake. It was just an experiment for which we had to pay, and for which all people, starting out new ventures, naturally have to pay. We entered into the arrangement with a whole souledness and with self-consciousness, with race love and race pride, but we never calculated on the other human side and the evil side which is part of us all the time, which we tried to destroy, but which existed after we made our arrangement. After our deliberations at the first convention, we voted large salaries to the different heads of departments and to the Executive Council. That was done because we desired then to remove our leaders from temptation. We wanted to surround them with such financial independence as to prevent them from doing anything as would injure or damage this race. We wanted to remove them from suspicion and bribery of all kinds. That was the intention behind the voting of large salaries. We did not want our men to be purchased or to sell out the interests of the association. But it was also understood at that convention that with the spirit that was sweeping over the world at that time, the men would dignify their offices, and would be so capable that they would have earned their salaries by loyal service. Unfortunately we over-calculated the men. No sooner had we voted their salaries than it was their disposition to sit down in the dignity of their office and get the salary from wherever it came. We never calculated that any of those men would have been so mean and low and unradal to have put this association into a situation of embarrassment, knowing that they themselves failed to make those provisions. Let me give you an idea of what I mean, because some of you came into the association at a late period and do not know its history.

CO-PARTNERS IN SUFFERING

This association was founded on sacrifice and suffering, and torture of all kinds, because it was the personal and spontaneous desire of the individual to give birth to something that was not in existence, and present it to the people for what it was worth. That meant that there was no immediate remuneration or reward for the effort to start a thing of the kind, and it was just based upon the spirit of race love, race pride and the desire for sacrifice. It was for such a purpose that that convention was called. The reports then made demonstrated that there was suffering all over the world. Men who spoke from the platform as delegates and deputies revealed the hard and difficult conditions that confronted them, and from which they were seeking means of relief. They made us co-partners of the same suffering, fellows of the same desires and wants, and it was in this spirit that we elected the first group of officials in that convention to serve the people. Money was a secondary consideration, because the convention revealed that we had no money. I believe that we had just about $3,000. So when we elected them to the offices, with the big salaries, they knew very well that we had absolutely no resources to meet these salaries, but it was because we wanted an organization wherein the men who felt so much and suffered so much, according to their own expressions, would have had the opportunity and the privilege to serve their people, and in that service their people would have been willing to reward them according to their service.

CAPITALIZING THE WORK

And the people did according to their financial ability. When we adjourned that first convention in x9zo, we had to devise ways and means to capitalize the organization and carry on its work and the program that had been laid out. That program for the year was an elaborate one. We had to go out and educate the world with the propaganda and link up the different communities. It called for the expenditure of large sums of money. We, therefore, got together and decided that we should float a loan immediately in order to capitalize the work of the organization so that we could scatter the principles and aims and objects all over the world. It was then decided, I believe, to borrow $200,000 or thereabouts, for the capitalization of the work. The money was to be paid back in periods of from one to five years. We borrowed this money on notes called construction notes in amounts from $50 to $1,000, believing in the honesty and confidence of those first group of men. That money, as I have already said, was for the immediate organization purposes to scatter and ramify and strengthen the association all over the country, and also to meet immediate demands. Some of those executive officers during the first year helped us to raise the money. Some did not do anything. Among those who were able to bring results were Dr. McGuire, I think; also Dr. Eason and myself. I believe, out of the whole group, these three were the only ones who raised any substantial part of that money. The rest went out, and some of them would not even bring back their railroad fare.

The next thing was when they started to say they were big officials and could not do this or that. The result was that in the first year we raised about $120,000 and capitalized the association. To show how loyal some of them were, it was to the extent of seeing that they got their salaries on every first and fifteenth out of the moneys that we raised. In the second year, when the time came for us to double up and spread, scatter and strengthen the work of the association in order to get results so as to reimburse those who had made loans for short periods, and they found they had to work and earn the salaries that were paid them, that a bunch of Negroes started to resign and sue the association for the balance of the big salaries supposed to be due them for the work they had not done.

DISHONEST OFFICIALS

That was how our first trials and troubles started after they had eaten up for salaries practically all the moneys we had borrowed to capitalize the work. They resigned today, and on the following day their lawyers sent letters to the effect as follows: "I am directed by Mr. So-and-So to inform you that the association is owing him so much for salary, and we ask for immediate payment." Men, you must have heard of the lawsuits we had. This is the explanation that I have to give. And now only Miss Davis and myself have been left to reimburse the people and pay the salaries of those men and to carry on the work of the organization up to this time. Now, as to Mr. de Bourg. In the spirit of service, believing that man was capable, we elected him here at a salary of $6,000 per year. During his sixteen months' tenure of office, in the first year he did not report, otherwise we would have tried him, as we did Mr. Tobitt. He did not bring in $500 for his sixteen months' tenure of office; and, though it was decided that the salaries would be cut down proportionately because of the condition of the association, that man got a lawyer (at the time when I was on trial in New York) to file a suit against the association for $12,000 salary, toward which he had contributed only $200; and with the aid of officers who were in and those who were outside, and with their lawyers and our lawyers, they connived to keep back the proper defense of the association and allow immediate judgment to be given by default so that de Bourg would collect that amount? The one inside helped the one outside so that he would get help when he put in his claim also. So it is, when a case was called, we would find one man helping the other to collect so that he in turn would be helped.

THREATENED WITH RECEIVERSHIP

This is the trouble we have had with the money we should have had to pay the people from whom we borrowed. We have had to pay all these damnable, soulless Negroes. Were it not through the grace of God, we would have had to close the doors of the association more than a year ago. These people did not only sue the association, but they even asked for receivers to come in and take charge of the affairs of the association and to put the association into bankruptcy. You can imagine what a fight we had to make. Sometimes I had to nm here from Los Angeles, or from Detroit, in order to stop proceedings and to save the association from a receivership. Then, outside of that, we had the dishonesty of the divisions, which would make no reports, although we had these tremendous obligations to meet. It was no wonder we had to appeal to the people in the columns of the Negro World. I have had to leave New York, three weeks in every month, to go on the road to speak for the benefit of the association. These were the difficulties between 1920 up to the present moment, but let me tell you men, that is not all. These very officers whom we elected, if we were to reveal all the things that they have done, and all the trouble that they have given in the Black Star Line case and in the tax case. When they found that the association did not die, and because it would not die, they would do something else to make it die. They went to the law officers and did everything to smash up the organization. If we go before the court in New York, the court would start very good this morning, and you would be unable to tell on what side the case would go. Before mid-day, however, some Negro would tell judge and the jury that this association is Marcus Garvey's, who is trying to organize the Negro to kill all the white people. Naturally, this meant that we lost the decision before the case was tried.

THE BLACK STAR LINE CASE

The trial of my case in connection with the Black Star Line would have ended in my being exonerated because there was nothing against me. It was just prejudice. Those Negroes wrote letters to the judge and jurors saying that Garvey was organizing his people to kill them. These are the methods that these men inside of this organization, along with others outside, have used to handicap the U.N.I.A., and today, when you see the U.N.I.A., you can hardly imagine the struggle and fight we have had to keep it going. I feel sure that it is God's grace and spirit that it is alive today, because it is not for the lack of trials and tribulations. Why sometimes we arranged with courts to give a certain judgment at a certain time and, believing the association had no money, and in order to place it in embarrassment, they would proceed at once and bring receivers. But because of God's good spirit every time they turned one way we turned the other. That group of men I will never forget, that first group of men who helped us to raise the money on the construction loans from the people, and when the time came to stick together and work and raise the money to pay them back, that bunch of vagabonds deserted and left the responsibility upon the shoulders of other men. I could never forget and pardon such men. When they thought that money was easy to get they were all willing to serve, but when they found out they were to work for it they resigned and got lawyers to sue. If these Negroes had a sense of responsibility they would not have been one of them with guts enough to go and sue this organization, because they would realize that they were suing themselves. In this respect, among those who resigned for other reasons, there are about two men out of the whole group who never embarrassed us in a court. They were Doctor McGuire and Mr. Toote. They were the only two who resigned from the association because of certain explanations, who never took us to court, who never did anything to embarrass us, and who did everything to help us.

THANKS TO MR. TOOTE

I have personally to thank Mr. Toote even after he left the association for his determination to help and protect us against the other group of fellows. To show how wicked and vicious these men were, when we could not pay these salaries we cut down by half and gave notes for the balance we could not pay. It was understood that these notes would be for five years or more in order to give the association time to pick up so that we could pay them. These men, especially the chancellor, and the auditor, made out certain notes for one year without the knowledge of the others, for themselves, while they made other notes for myself and others for ten years, showing that they had in mind that in one year they would desert the association and collect their money. All of these tricks they worked because we did not know what they did and only found out afterwards. We never anticipated these things when we went before the court to adjust the matter. These very men who sat down and arranged certain things would swear before God that it was not so and among them the only m[a]n upon whom we could rely was Mr. Toote, who came and testified as to what really had taken place, but what could he do in the face of three or more others who agreed to support each other by making affidavits for each other and thus we found we were encumbered and handicapped during the period under report.

REALIZING THE RESPONSIBILITY

I cannot explain half of the troubles through which we have gone in order to carry on the work of the association. When they thought the association did not have any money they would try to go to the bank and tie up everything I had. Thank God I never had more than two or three hundred dollars. I got just what they got but I tried to economize, otherwise I would not have had anything. And every time the association would be in need I would go to the bank and draw out, as the chancellor would tell you, sometimes the whole amount to tide over the association. Every little money I would save I would lend the association. Sometimes I dared not even tell my wife the things I had to do for the association. Even at the time when I was arrested and convicted I only left her $50 to face the world. I realized the responsibility, and it is no wonder that I have now a sick and half-dying wife because of the sufferings that we have had to undergo. Had it not been for the kind consideration of those of you who came to my rescue I do not know what would have become of the woman, because of those devils who did everything in the world to embarrass us in the work. And today I appeal to you. Let us, during this convention, seriously and soberly enter into the spirit of the movement and you, presidents, for God's sake, remember that this race of ours is not going to rise higher than its leaders will lead them in the right direction. As to the white man, we won't talk about him any more. We all know what he is up to. As I can see it, the white man is determined to kill this race of ours. I know it; it is only a question of time, of another hundred years when this race of ours will be as dead as the Indian. The white man is not going to tell you everything; it is for you to find out. And no wonder they place obstacles. I, for one, would expect nothing otherwise, but the things that pain me are that our very people alloy themselves to be used to carry out the intentions and desires of those who &sire to kill this virile race of ours. Let us realize this. There is a God Almighty who is not asleep. This situation that we leaders brought upon our own people, we leaders are going to pay for not only in this world, but if then is another world the sufferings will multiply themselves, because how can one intelligent man, seeing the situation, fail to act honestly, truthfully, and faithfully towards people who are willing to suffer for them.

TO GO THE LIMIT

And this is my responsibility and the is why I take so much risk. Why I am determined to go the limit. Because I realize the responsibility that something must be done and someone had to do it. It cannot be postponed. When I go from place to place in this country, and come into contact with the sufferings of the people, my heart bleeds within me and we haven't gone half the journey yet. If we are suffering now what will it be in ten, twenty-five, fifty or a hundred years hence. I have often told you that in another hundred years there will be an over-populated America for the white people. There is not going to be enough room and opportunity for the two races and the American white man, like the English, is preparing to kill the Negro and they will do so through starvation, they would not have to shoot, lynch, or burn. All they have to do is to turn him out of employment and when he has no employment he will have no money; then without money, no food, and if he hasn't food, he will have to starve, and if he starves he will die. The white man every day is manoeuvring, and creating new designs by which he can gain control. You read many things in the papers to which you pay no attention. You may have read about the death rays and such things. Do you know what is going on in the laboratories ff the universities and museums of research? The white men day and night are working on scientific methods by which they could outdo the rest of civilization. We are living in a scientific age and let me tell you, if we do not look out between science and industry, they will kill every Negro out within a hundred years.

WHEN THE WHITE MAN ENTERS AFRICA

Let us take Africa. Do you know that as soon as white people decide that certain parts of Africa are habitable for white men, when it is made possible by scientific achievement through schools of Science, to travel and study the conditions of the tropics so as to adjust the white man to those conditions and enable him to live there, these men of science will inoculate certain germs and call it a peculiar disease of the natives and in five years where there was a teeming population there would hardly be any, and when asked what had become of them they would simply say that an epidemic had taken them away. Between the white scientist, the industrial capitalist and the statesman we do not know what is going to occur. Do you know why they crowd us here in Harlem? Do you know what is going to happen? Don't you know that the death rate of Negroes is over 50 per cent higher than that of the white and that the birth rate is tremendously lower? You read the papers and do not understand what it means. This is the white man's safeguard. So long as the death rate is higher than the birth rate he knows that he has us in the palm of his hand. Do you wonder we can hardly do anything but eat and sleep and go to work and die? The economists of the white race have arranged it so that you get only enough for today and when you have paid for rent, food and clothes so that you can make a good appearance in the society they have established, there is absolutely no margin left out of the money you have earned. But the very white people get a margin after they have paid all of their expenses; they have left at least 25 per cent to store up for their children and for a rainy day.

NEGRO HERE ON SUFFRANCE

These arrangements the white man has had and made not only in New York and America, but all over the world. They keep us in their industries just because they haven't enough men to do all the work required to be done. You and I are in America and in the world because the white man has not enough men to do his menial work, and we have to do it until they get men of their own. And when this country trebles its population they will have more than enough men to do what they want, from sweeping the streets to occupying the presidency. What will become of the Negro? That is the danger. That is why we are fighting so and that is why I intend to give up my life fighting for the preservation of the race because I know what the other race is up to. I know the intentions of the other man. He will not tell you, but you will find it out for yourself. That is why I cannot compromise heartlessly with the leaders, with the men whom we elected, who joined with others to destroy us.

DISLOYAL EXECUTIVE OFFICERS

You will observe, as I said before, that last year we had no convention. We were unable to have this convention because we would not have had an organization and better judgment on my part caused me to postpone it. I thank you for the obedience you showed to the instructions I gave for the postponement of the convention until this year. The purpose was, if I have to say it, they believed that I am the moving spirit of the organization and they believed if they were able successfully to remove me, it would have been easy to destroy the whole organization. That was the white man's viewpoint. There were others who thought it would have been a splendid opportunity for them to get into power and when they got into power they would get the other man to get me out of the way and still look at me in the face and smile. You can hardly imagine the patience I have had to exercise to sit down with men that I know are trying to put a rope around my neck. I had to smile with them because of the good of the association because every one we turn out adds one more enemy that we have to fight. They do not leave the office one minute before they find the enemy somewhere and they decide what they will do on the morrow. Anything that is going to happen to me I know one month before hand. Even now we have men whom I look at and smile, I know what they are doing at night time, somewhere trying to fix up something so that they would get into power. I do not know how long they intend to remain in power. It simply shows how purchasable and wicked our race is when we try to kill each other for our self-advancement and for our ego. There are very few of us who can stand responsibility and honor. They lose their heads as soon as they are honored. Nobody is just as good as they are. I have had to deal with so many of them because of the insults they have given to you members and because of those you have suffered from some of the executive officers who do not seem to realize that they are part of us and that we could not exist were it not for the spirit of the people of the organization and behind it. I am speaking this morning-and that is why I have not made a written report--because I could not touch on all these things. I want you to realize the social responsibility which all of ns owe to each other. I am not afraid of the consequences of what they are doing, but it is to what extent the doing of these things affect the ideals and objects that we have in view. "GARVEY IS MEDDLING" You are intelligent people. You know. You have read.

The U. N. I. A. is not the first reform movement formed to help the people. And though all those who have led know of the misrepresentations and sufferings of all kinds which such movements entail, I am willing still to do my part and to give my all for the success of the movement. And that is why I so jealously regard the success of the U.N.I.A. All kinds of propaganda and tricks have been used to thwart our efforts. When I try to do something they say Mr. Garvey is meddling and would not allow us to work. When I leave it to them the thing blows up. That is how the Black Star Line went down. When I tried to help, everybody said Mr. Garvey is doing everything. But it was not six months after I passed over the responsibility to them that the trouble came. It is so difficult for us to realize what responsibility means. The average man wants to get rich overnight. They want a house and automobile overnight. Where could it come from if the thing of which you are a part is to succeed and continue? We have to devise ways and means during this convention to make these officers-presidents, secretaries and executive officers-true.

TRUTH ABOUT CAPTAIN GAINES

Let me tell you again, we are suffering from the germ of dishonesty, and if we can legislate to kill that germ we will have done a great deal of work. There is one man now abusing the U. N. I.A. Captain Gaines is saying all kinds of things about me. Suppose I tell you the truth about the things that he has done. I have on the Executive Council now men who are my personal enemies, but I do not think about that. So long as they can serve the organization, I am glad to let them stay there. I would be the last man to put a man out. We sent Captain Gaines to all parts of the country at the time when we wanted money and help, and we could not get one report from that man. He went to Chicago and took up hundreds and hundreds of dollars. He also went to Cleveland and the next thing was we heard the strange news that he was cabling money to his private banking account. Yet that man goes and says that he has not got his salary from the association. When we sent him to Chicago for three months that man collected over $1,000 and never said one word to the Parent Body. When we got reports about him, I had him under surveillance for a long time to see if he would act better. The last time I went West, I learned that he left Chicago, where he was sent, and went to Gary and to Cincinnati and told the people there he had been sent by the Parent Body, and from Cincinnati he collected $190, and other sums from Gary and Chicago, and nobody here knew anything about it. We did not know that he went there and it took us six months to find this out. What can we do with such a man?

TAKING MONEY FROM TWO PARTIES

At Gary, during the political primaries, he took money from two different parties in the name of the U .N.I.A., telling them he would send it to the Parent Body, and that the association would assist them. He also told the colored people there that Marcus Garvey got into trouble through politics and he would take all the money he could get from the politicians. This he said although federal agents were present. He also advised the Negroes to get as much as they could out of politics. He went to Chicago and did something, but still I gave him a chance. He continued and found it was time to end that. I telegraphed that I had appointed another President and that he must wind up the affairs and return to New York. He refused to carry out my instructions to induct the new president, and he would not leave Chicago. He would not come to face me in New York, and now he goes and says that I am bad. And he has started an organization with Francis, of Philadelphia. In the name of God Almighty, where can we go? And now this man has become my bitter enemy. Simply because we tried to make him straight. Recently I heard that he was in Washington trying to go to the Shipping Board with whom we were negotiating for a ship. That shows you what we have to incur. Can you blame the white people for what they are doing? Here is a man who has been in the organization for five years. The people believed in him, and that is why we have had all this trouble with the people from the outside.

THE CROOKED GO

I have explained this to you so that you would be able to understand the true situation of affairs. Those men we put out of the association were put out because we could not do better. Whosoever goes out of the association goes because he is crooked. We do not want anybody out, but want everybody in. But when we cannot get on with people we must separate from them. So I trust you have no misguided opinions as to what has happened. "WHY I TRIED MY OWN CASE" You will ask me, why I tried my case. I tried my case in the matter of the Black Star Line in 1923, because I had to save the U.N.I.A. If I had not tried that case myself, I would have been sentenced to 30 years. The association would have been wound up, and the hope of the Negro would have been buried forever. There were plots on every hand. There were plots with the very men with whom I was indicted. They knew they were going to be discharged long before the case was tried. And they indicted me first. Then when they found out that we were not so foolish and that the thing looked so bad, that out of the Black Star Line directors they should only pick on me, they went and indicted the other three men just to show it was not only Garvey they were looking for. But the other men knew before hand that nothing would happen to them. It went so far that in the trial of the case, at a certain point, the very District Attorney who was prosecuting me, turned around and defended one of the other men. The plan which I found out before we had gone two days in the case was that the Government would have two and a half weeks in prosecuting me, and my lawyer would only take half a week in my defense, so that the judge and jury would go away in three weeks as arranged. The government was to use 80 witnesses against me during that time, and I was to have half a week in defending myself. That was the arrangement made for me, and no one said anything about it for me. Therefore, I decided that all the lawyers could go to hell. If I was to go to jail I would make the world know the true situation of affairs, the result of which you well know. They were to show that Garvey was a crook. Now, the politicians had arranged that. I had some "friends" among them. I had some friends who did not want to see Garvey go to prison, but who could not stand Garvey's rivalry. So they decided to fix up things so that the jury would say Garvey is guilty and they would go and beg that he be given a suspended sentence and pardon. But my career as a rival would be dead.

MONEY SPENT FREELY

That is the arrangement they made for me and that arrangement I was not prepared to fall into. The truth had to be told. How far we told the truth you know-those of you who were at the trial and those who read the Negro World. But half has not been told. Money was spent freely spent by England, France, the N. A. A. C. P., etc.-and was used by the Negro politicians in Harlem and by those Negroes whom we had dismissed from the Association and from the Black Star Line. It was a combination from which only God Almighty could come free. The best I could do was to stop the thing by fighting and avoiding the sentence of thirty years. It would have taken God Almighty to go there and get a verdict of acquittal from those men, because they had to convict Garvey; because, by convicting him, they would have been able to scatter, eradicate and destroy the work of the Association and England and France believed it would be all over.

BRITAIN BUSY

They did not know of the new Negro. Some of you do not know international problems. There is a great international problem today, and the U. N. I.A. is one of the organizations of the world that is giving them trouble and concern in their work. You don't know it. If Garvey was an insignificant man, if all of us were a bunch of fools, do you think all those things you read about in the papers would happen? The British have given instructions that nobody who belongs to the U. N. I.A. should be allowed to land in their possessions in Africa. Do you think the British would send out an order like that? Do you think the Negro World could be such an insignificant paper when they pass laws in Dahomey,2 Nigeria, the Gold Coast and in the West Indies against its being circulated there? 3 Do you think they would call special sessions of the Legislature to pass laws to prevent the circulation of the Negro World if it was foolishness-in British Guiana, British Honduras, Trinidad, Grenada, the Leeward Islands and Jamaica? Some of the governments in certain parts of Africa called special Council meetings. Smuts of South Africa sent a petition to London begging and praying the British Government to prevent the Negro World being circulated m certain parts of Africa.4 When you have the governments doing that, you are doing something. All you have to do is to keep on doing and wait for your chance, as we tell you. The chance is coming in five, ten or twenty years, and the only thing we must have is a solid and firm organization.

PROPOSED VISIT TO ENGLAND

They look upon Marcus Garvey as a bad man. They looked upon De Valera as a bad man, but when they found out how things were going they granted the Irish the Free State.5 They would call me now were it not for those damnable Negro politicians who acted so that I could not get my final papers. Were it not for that damnable organization, the N.A.A.C.P., who understood that I was going on a world tour in 1923, England would have come to terms long ago. And France would have come to terms, because I would have carried the fight to the heart of England and France. I knew that I would not have returned here in 1923 without bringing concessions for the Negro. Those devils tried to block it. The Englishman is no fool and we are not fools. We know what we want. When you want to get something from people you do not read Sunday school texts to them. When you want to have a thing you often have to ride roughshod. I knew that as soon as I was able to get out of this country, with the many things off my mind, and approach the British Government, especially the present Labor Government, I felt sure we would have had Southern Nigeria or somewhere else, and we would have had more land than we want to carry out the programme of the U. N. I. A.

NEGRO MUST BE A RADICAL

But those Negroes who do not know anything about diplomacy or the handling of the world's problems tried to embarrass us. They talk about Garvey being radical. How can a Negro be conservative? What has he to conserve? What have you but pain, suffering and hardship? It is time for the Negro to be radical and let the world know what he wants. If it takes a radical to tell that, then you cannot help being one. All that, England is doing. To show you how Negroes are foolish and how the white man is different from our people, the Negroes said before I went to the West Indies in I92I that the English would arrest me when I reached Jamaica and do all kinds of things to me. But when I left here the most courteous people I had to deal with were the British. When I went to get my passport the official greeted me with, "Oh, Mr. Garvey, what can we do for you? Can we do anything to help your people?" They gave me the passport. Then those Negroes said the British would send a battleship down to stop Mr. Garvey landing. After I left Cuba who was the first man to meet me at the pier but the Inspector-General of Police, who said he was glad to see me and that he had been detailed to see that nothing occurred. I never had any trouble with the British Government while I remained there.

AN EXCLUSIVE ORDER

The trouble started when I was about to come back when those bad Negroes went to Washington and asked the Government to prevent my return. The Government issued instructions to every American consular agent along the Atlantic seaboard not to issue any visas for me. That was the time those devils were trying to get money from the Black Star Line. I had not left 24 hours before they took $25,000 from the treasury and ruined the Black Star Line. Owing to their efforts in trying to prevent my return it took me nearly five months instead of thirty days, as was planned. So don't mind what is being said. Hold steadfast to the program. There are many ways to kill a dog without putting a rope around his neck.

HOW IT WORKED

The great American Government said I was not to be admitted here. But, by the exercise of a little patience, and as soon as we get things, we will get results. I got my passport visaed and I went to New Orleans instead of New York, because the Negroes were waiting there. I had to use a little stroke. When I reached the Mississippi breakwater the immigration officers were waiting for me. They had received instructions not to let Garvey in, as I would not have a passport. When the passengers were lined up and the man was cocksure that I had no passport, he told me, "wait a while," and he sent to call another man, saying, "Garvey is here." The other man asked what I had there, and I showed him my passport. He was so surprised he said: "Good God, look at this." He turned red all of a sudden in the face. He said, "We cannot understand this." They thought they had the man, but I had them. To make sure of me they said, "Do not go, you have to wait on the quarantine ground for inspection." I understood the situation and saw they intended to work something new. The man at the quarantine station called me to the office and asked my business, etc., and I saw they were trying to get time to communicate with certain people here to see if they could not cancel my visa. I sized the situation, so I said: "I want you to send this telegram to the President," I said it loud enough for the man to hear. I wrote the telegram and the man took it to the office of the other men. Then I said: "I want you to send this telephone message to Secretary Hughes." That man turned red, and two minutes afterward he said: "All right, Mr. Garvey, you may go." They were trying to work up sentiment to block me, and I understood the situation, so I scared those fellows and they let me go.

THE LAST INDICTMENT

I have recited all this to show you the methods the enemy resorted to. They did not succeed. Then they got me indicted. They timed it just before the convention. Why, in regard to the last indictment, I knew two weeks before it happened that the indictment would be made on that day. Well, we have to grapple with the situation. All we want is the honesty and devotion of the people we are sending to take charge of the groups that we have. If we can do that we would be able to marshal all our forces under the red, black and green; then we will be sure of success. We have to legislate graft and greed and dishonesty out of our hearts and systems, because the men who have tried it have found that dishonesty has taken them nowhere. Dishonesty cannot lead us anywhere, and if we do not adopt the program of honesty for ourselves we are doomed.

THE AFRICAN PROGRAM

I will now touch on the African program. As you know, we sent several commissions out to Africa. The first went in 1920. We sent two in 1921. Two in 1922, and the last one we sent under the direction of Sir Robert Lincoln Poston in 1923.6 The previous commission of 1921 had gone so far as to have received certain concessions for the association from the Liberian Government. The government had chartered in the Republic of Liberia, the U. N. I.A. and A. C. L. Owing to the setbacks we had in the latter part of 1921, we were unable to carry out our Liberian program. Because of the failure of the Black Star Line there was a tremendous financial reaction, and we were unable to develop and take advantage of the concessions that we had been offered? We laid the matter in abeyance until last year, when we sent out Sir Robert Poston, Lady Henrietta Davis and Hon. M. Van Lowe to discuss the taking up of the old concessions and the carrying out of the new program for the development of Liberia. They came back and gave us their report, which was most favorable. I do not know whether Mr. Van Lowe would like to discuss the matter or whether he would like to have it discussed when Lady Davis is here. I want to have them report to you the arrangements that were made in Liberia for the carrying out of the colonization plan. Lady Davis is expected here between now and the 20th from British Honduras, where she is on a tour on behalf of the Black Cross Navigation and Trading Company. I think it wise to allow them to make their own report. They were on the spot handling the situation and made all the arrangements, and I think it is due to them to make their own report. We got the report and it caused us to start in real earnest to carry out our plans in Liberia for the colonization of that country. Everything had gone splendidly. Now, Mr. James O'Meally is on his way, and we do not want to embarrass him. We sent him specially to find out the situation down there. It is a purely diplomatic matter and cannot be handled in the ordinary way. I do not want to say anything that will hurt our prospects and arrangements, but it is provoking in the midst of all that is said on the outside to keep our mouths closed. Nevertheless, I feel that if we say anything now it might hurt our own cause, and whatsoever I say I have to be very careful and diplomatic, because there is much we can say and somebody is going to be hurt. It will not be the U. N. I.A. We have to be cautious, and I have to appeal to the patience of the convention until Lady Davis comes here, so that she and Mr. Van Lowe will make the report they made to us, and by that time we expect to have a communication from Mr. O'Mally, so that we will be able to fully discuss the matter.

BOUND TO BE REALIZED

But whatever happens the realization of the program of the association is bound to occur. You need not be afraid to get yourselves in readiness to carry out the instructions. As far as we have gone we have done everything to carry out the arrangements. On June 24 last we sent a shipment to Liberia. On July 25 we sent another consignment. We have done everything to keep faith with you and the people and to carry out the African program. The most important matter is our ships. During the last few months we had arranged to have a ship in readiness for carrying out our program in Africa and elsewhere. It was purely, as I said to the New York members, a question of money. We could have had the ship ready a month ago, not only one ship but several ships. But, unfortunately, because of the poverty of the members and other causes we have only been able to collect part of the money. During that time we have had lots of trouble to get a ship for the money we have. When I left here recently we had a contract drawn up only to be signed. Unfortunately, it seemed that agencies are still at work to embarrass us. If we had all the money in hand we could have bought the ship all right and end the matter. But because we had only part of the money they want to impose certain conditions, which are not easy to have up to. I had hoped up to yesterday to be able to tell you go and see your ship. It is right here in the river. It is only a question of money. The fault is not ours. We cannot get other people's property unless you pay for it. And when they have to give concessions, as they do not like you, you have to be guarded, because every one wants to take advantage of you. You have to be careful as to the kind of contract you sign. Because we haven't the money we have to sign a contract and give terms, which are very hard and difficult. Our dependence is on you, and the enemy knows that. That is why they carry on this propaganda to disunite us. That is part of the scheme, but as I feel sure that God is with us we will get through. Give us a little time and we will be ready. I didn't want to ask you for money until you saw the ship. I wanted you to see the ship on Sunday. The ship we arranged for is one of the best ships afloat, and it would be a credit to the association. Nevertheless, we will carry out everything in detail. I thank you for the patience you have exhibited, and I want you to realize that the program before us is one of legislation. We have an important period ahead of us, and we can do things in this convention that will help to bring about a quick relief in another twelve months. We will discuss that as part of the industrial program.

On the question of the executive officers. We have been having a terrible time to carry things along. If we had the complete support of all the members, we would have no difficulty. It is purely a matter of money. You can hardly imagine how much money it takes to carry on an organization like this. It is not a joke. The thing that we are trying to do is as big as any government. Yet we haven't the agencies at our hand to carry it on. It requires hundreds and thousands and millions of dollars to carry out successfully a proposition like this. About the Liberian situation. If we had money, you would at this moment be having everything you want in regard to Liberian development. You cannot blame certain people for their actions, because Liberia is obligated to England and France. Liberia owes them one and half million dollars. They must be careful how they act. If you owe me ten dollars, you have to be careful before you entertain my enemy, because I may take proceedings against you. This is but an idea to show you that these people who do not want us to carry out the program are going to embarrass the people with whom we are dealing. The only way we could have relieved the situation is if we had money. Unfortunately, everything we have to do we have to tell you before we are able to get a dime.

GETTING SHIPS

Now, take that ship proposition. There are some of you who do not believe we will get a ship, and so you will not put up a dime. Thus we cannot get the ship. A ship does not cost $100 or $1,000. We can get ships right now in the harbor with everything equipped. All that there is to be done is to put in coal and send the ships to sea. But for the keeping back of some of you, we would have had the money to get that ship. I believe some of you would want to know the name of the ship and the parties with whom we are dealing before you subscribe; but if we tell you, the enemy would get the information and in five minutes the deal would be off. We have been forced to tell you everything about Liberia and tell you what we intend to do, exposing our plan to the enemy simply because we are so difficult to get along with. And yet, I cannot blame our people. It is the fault of your leaders. I have placed the situation before you and I trust you will have the remedy.